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Dawn dives start at 6am, while night dives start at 5pm. Dawn dives are usually done at one of the deep dive sites while night dives are done at Seahorse Bay or Gili Air Harbour. In the Harbour expect to find similar life as to Seahorse Bay, but here you have the chance to find mandarin fish at twilight and blue ring octopus! For those new to diving Manta does offer a range of SSI dive courses. Your day will be similar to someone who is here for a fun dive, except you would have classes in the morning and pool or ocean sessions in the afternoon.
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Scuba Diving Of course, the main reason you are here is for diving! Image ranrambles Morning Dives The morning dives boat usually leaves at 9am. They include: Shark Point – This dive site is located on the western side of Gili T with a gentle slope. Actually, the event in the sentence is the representation of more than one bouncing event, which Comrie calls as iterativity p.
To sum up, imperfective with different situation aspects can yield different meanings like focusing on pre-stages or iterative events. Languages also have various linguistic realizations and subcategorizations for which the reader may refer to Comrie for more details. However, the core meaning of imperfective is being open informationally.
It can be tested within various contexts and the meaning conveyed with imperfective aspect cannot be cancelled as pointed for perfective aspect in the previous section. These representations have different presuppositions, that is, aspectual notions can be related to only verbs, events, or entire propositions. This discussion results from either the interaction of viewpoint aspect with situation aspect and their different reflections on the morphology or syntax of the languages, or different sentences as seen in On the other hand, the verb has an internal argument with a universal quantifier in 42c.
It is modified with a time adverbial in 42d. John is eating. John is eating a sandwich. John is eating every sandwich. John is eating a sandwich in an hour.
Comrie and Smith would analyze these sentences by attributing them different aspectual categories. To illustrate, 42a and 42c would be considered as atelic and having activity verbs while 42b and 42d would be considered as telic and accomplishment verbs.
However, this raises the question whether the lexicon has two distinct verbs eat with different features or it has only one eat and it changes through the interaction with its internal argument, its features, or time adverbials.
On the other hand, some scholars Dowty, ; Higginbotham, ; Tenny, among others would suggest that eat is a consumption verb and denotes a change of state, thus, by nature it denotes a telic event containing a process. Even though the internal argument is dropped in 42a , the meaning of the verb is not different from 42b when we consider that aspectual information is denoted by event.
English does not make a morphological distinction to express the aspectual difference between 42b and 42c , however, I will show in section 5. Tenny decomposes events and suggests that events may have a complex structure and may be composed of a core or inner event and an outer event. Moreover, she argues that the quantification takes scope over only the outer event, not over the core event.
If we return to the discussion on 42b and 42c , we will see in section 5. See Ramchand and Travis for a detailed discussion of the structure of inner aspect. Another crucial point which is widely accepted in the literature is that change of state verbs include a core event that denotes a final state and the internal argument becomes that state.
Incremental theme verbs, creation verbs, verbs of motion to a goal and some achievement verbs are classified under the change of state verbs category. Tenny presents examples for these classifications as follows p. The regrouping of adverbs is given in The verb categories in 44 and 45 corresponds to her class of ‘verbs with core events and a measure or path’ and 46 have verbs with core events but no measure or path and the events without core evets Tenny, , p.
She proposes two different aspect projections and verb phrases under each projection. As seen in 48 , the upper AspP is called higher aspect h-AspP and she locates the outer aspect of the complex events and the verbs without core events in this projection. The agent-oriented adverbs are also presented in this layer.
On the other hand, the core events are located in the lower VP. She calls the lower AspP middle aspect m-AspP and explains the difference between lower AspP and lower VP as the following: Middle aspect zone contains the elements which do not look into the core event but modify the time span the event occupies.
She argues that resutitive again belongs to this zone since it takes scope over the core event but not the agentive causing the event represented by the higher event.
The classification in Section 2. In contrast, the theory in this section has the assumption that the classification in 2. In Section 5.
However, I will argue that Tenny’s approach which analyzes aspectual categories at the event level presents a more comprehensive analysis of the empirical data. RT is set by the adverbials in the sentences as seen in the examples 49a , 49c and 49d. In contrast, the adverbials in 49c and 49d ; “by tomorrow” and “before leaving the city” set the right boundary of the time span and the left boundary is not known. The tense in these sentences puts the time span, not the event time in a place in the timeline.
Iatridou et al. The present tense in this sentence determines the right boundary of the time span and states that the event handing in has occured somewhere before this reference point. I have handed in the assignment. Mary will have handled the assignment by tomorrow.
John had visited his family before leaving the city. The outcome is present perfect when UT and RT overlap. When RT precedes UT, the tense is past perfect. On the other hand, it is future perfect when RT follows UT. However, different proposals have been made about what “perfect” actually is. Smith is among the scholars who view perfect as a construction. She expresses that perfect constructions which have a certain temporal and aspectual meaning appear in many languages.
She defines four meanings of perfect: a A perfect event precedes RT, b the construction has a resultant stative value, c the viewpoint aspect in perfect sentences is perfective and d a special property is ascribed to the subject.
However, she still needs to explain how the languages which do not have perfect constructions convey the semantic meaning which is derived by the perfect constructions in other languages.
Likewise, Comrie provides an explanation similar to Smith’s explanation that perfect is also an aspect by discussing the meanings which perfect expresses.
The present state can be also expressed by adjectives, stative verbs or past tense. The following sentences are examples of these types. Lastly, the recent past meaning in the sentence 53 is given by the adverb just. This question and the attempt to propose a unified theory for the perfect has a remarkable place in the literature because languages differ from each other with respect to the interaction of imperfective forms and meaning, different kinds of adverbials, or time references with the perfect.
The left boundary of the interval introduced by perfect is set by adverbials and its right boundary is set by tense. If the event denoted under the perfect occurs before RT which is set by tense or adverbials, this is Existential Perfect and the event is bounded; in other words, the viewpoint aspect of the event is perfective as seen in If the event occurs throughout a certain interval, this means that Event Time coincides with Reference Time and this is Universal Perfect as in The viewpoint aspect of the event is imperfective and it is unbounded.
In terms of this theory, sentences 50 , 51 , and 53 are argued to denote E xperiential Perfect while sentence 52 denotes U niversal Perfect if Zeynep still goes on shopping at the same place. This parallelism seen between E-perfect and perfective, and U-perfect and imperfective raises the question whether the languages which strictly require perfective verb forms in perfect constructions like Greek entail only E-perfect.
Recall that the section 2. This shows that the event is unbounded and the unboundedness of the event cannot be cancelled. This discussion will have a crucial role in the discussion of the functions of the aspectual markers in TİD.
This section summarized the different views and explanations for perfect. They will be referred back in detail in the subsequent chapters to discuss the semantic properties of markers in TİD. The thesis will adopt the viewpoint considering perfect as a semantic notion because TİD does not have a marker dedicated to perfect.
This chapter will focus on how the semantic notions; tense and aspect discussed in the previous chapter are realized in the grammars of sign languages and present the studies on these topics. After various strategies in different sign languages are briefly presented, this chapter will focus on the studies on tense and aspect in TİD. As stated in the previous chapter, some languages express temporal information with time adverbials rather than with inflectional morphemes on the verb.
These languages are called “tenseless languages” which sign languages are also considered to belong to Binnick, On the other hand, aspectual information has been more often observed to be marked within the verbal domain via different strategies such as internal modification of the sign, manual aspectual morphemes, and nonmanual markers.
The following subsections will summarize the various strategies which sign languages adopt to express time and aspectual information. Rather, they are reported to convey time information via other strategies such as time adverbials, timelines and nonmanual markers.
A sentence can be interpreted within a time-frame which is established in the previous sentence or somewhere in the discourse. The general strategies which sign languages adopt to give time information are time lines, time adverbials, lexical tense markers. Even though sign languages are reported not to have tense inflection on the verb, a few studies claim that some sign languages LIS and BSL have tense inflection.
This subsection will first summarize the studies in the literature and then briefly describe how time information is conveyed in TİD. Pfau et al. In time lines, time is considered as a line and events are considered to lie on this line. Although Pfau et al. When the signer’s body is viewed as a reference point and coincides with the present, the space behind of his body represents referred as the past and the space at the front as the future.
The handshapes of the time adverbs in TİD as seen in Figures 2 and 3 referring to past and future are usually the same while those of the past move backward and those of the future move forward. Timelines are conceptual settings which are realized via time adverbials. That is, the timeline is manupilated to express the distance in time. To illustrate, if the time reference is near future, the time adverbial is signed near the body.
On the other hand, if the reference is distant future, it is signed away from the body. Yet, the future has not been experienced and a person cannot see what will happen, so the future events are conceptualized as lying behind the body. Both conceptualizations view timeline as running from the back of the signer to the front, but they differ in how the past and the future are placed on this line.
Sinte summarizes different time lines used across sign languages and offers six different types of time lines as seen in Figure 4 taken from Sinte It may be hard to find all these lines in a single sign language, yet a language can make use of some of them. Timelines found in different sign languages Briefly, Line 1 is the one previously described. Line 2 is used to sequence the events relative to a reference point. Sinte explains Line 4 which is a blending of the three first lines as a mixed line.
It is used to talk about the events in very near future. The last line, Line 6, is oriented from bottom to top in contrast to Line 5. The movement path of these signs are from the bottom to top.
Lastly, Sinte explains, in addition to six timelines, that “Plan” is used for calendar units as a schedule of a week or a year. Timelines are conceptually used in sign languages. How the notions of past and future are culturally perceived affects their places on the timeline. Another difference is how timeline is oriented in the signing space across sign languages. Languages may use more than one timeline or complex lines. Cabeza Pereiro and Fernandez Soneira report the observation that LSE makes a distinction between simple and relative tenses while using timelines.
As mentioned before, every sentence in sign languages is not overtly inflected for tense; however, this information is given in the discourse via time adverbials. Sapountzaki cites Grenoble that although Russian Sign Langague has three temporal markers for the past, present and future, they are not obligatory in every sentence. For Spanish Sign Language LSE , Cabeza Pereiro and Fernandez Soneira observe that time reference is set via time adverbials in the discourse and it is maintained until a new time adverbial is explicitly expressed.
According to Aarons, Kegl and Neidle time adverbials in ASL can appear clause initially, clause finally, or before the modal verb. The sentences in 57 depict the syntactic positions in which time adverbials can occur.
In terms of syntactic distribution, lexical tense markers have the same pattern with modal verbs and they, like modal verbs, occur to the left of sentential negation, in contrast with main verbs which occur to the right of the sentential negation. The sentence 58c has an ungrammatical structure as the time adverbial occurs to the left of the sentential negation while the structure is grammatical with the lexical tense marker FUTURE-TNS in 58b.
Aarons et al. For the first group, as we saw in the previous subsection, distant vs. So, the path length of a time adverb cannot be manipulated to express near future vs. For instance, Pfau et al. Flexion at the wrist, elbow, or shoulder expresses either future tense or past tense without other change. Another strategy which can be considered as inflection on the verb is nonmanuals.
This is discussed in detail in Section 5. Zucchi observes that in LIS shoulder position changes according to the tense while signing the verb. As you can see in the examples in 61 , “shoulder back” occurs when the reference is the past and “shoulder forward” when the reference is the future. Neutral position refers to the present. Zucchi explains that time adverbials shift the speech time and LIS past and future tenses are absolute tenses cf.
Zucchi for a detailed explanation. In addition to adverbials, using a timeline is another strategy for expressing time. Most commonly observed timeline takes the signer’s body as a reference point for present, divides the line into two: usually the space in front of the signer represents the future and the space behind the signer represents the past.
Time spans are also expressed via timelines, which additionally creates various lines across sign languages. Lastly, nonmanual markers and different lexical items expressing different tenses are among the strategies that express temporal information.
Aspect is realized via internal modifications of the signs, nonmanuals, and manual aspectual markers Pfau et al. These strategies can be observed for both situation and viewpoint aspect. The strategies which have been described and discussed in the literature will be summarized in this section.
This change can be realized in two ways; one is by modifying the movement path of the sign while the other is by modifying the movement of the sign. Aspectual notions such as continuative, iterative, and habitual have been observed to be expressed with internal modification of the verb signs in many sign languages Pfau et al. Building upon Klima and Bellugi , 15 different aspect types in ASL, Rathmann suggests that ASL has bound inflectional morphemes as continuative, iterative, habitual, and conative.
All these types involve modifications on the movement path rather than on the movement itself. When the continuative morpheme12 is combined with a verb, the form expresses that an event occurs longer than usual and as uninterrupted. As an example, when the verb RUN is combined with the continuative morpheme, the combination yields the meaning ‘to run for a long time’. The movement is generally realized as an arc movement. Sutton-Spence and Woll report that the verbs in BSL which do not have a path movement are marked by an extended hold to express continuative.
This can be classified in the second category which is the modification of the movement. Scholars have two different views about the morphological nature of the modification. This thesis does not go into the details of the morphological analysis of verbs with aspectual inflection and chooses to consider the internal modification as morphemes due to their consistent occurence and specific meaning.
These kinds of marking are also called inflection in Rathmann’s study which focuses on lexical aspectual categories; achievements, accomplishments, and activities, and similar patterns there too were observed.
An iterative event, unlike continuative, consists of sub-events which end and start sequentially. For instance, the movement of the verb root GIVE is repeated between the same agreement loci when the verb is combined with the iterative morpheme by yielding the meaning ‘to give it again and again’.
Another realization can be that the verb GIVE agrees with different loci in the signing space rather than agreeing with the same locus, which yields distributive meaning.
Distributive marking will be discussed again in describing aspectual marking in TİD in Chapter 4. Both the habitual and the iterative are phonologically realized as reduplication although they differ in denoting an endpoint in their event structure.
In contrast to iterative, the reduplication for habitual is reported as being smaller and faster Pfau et al. In addition to the modification of the movement path, the movement of a verb can also be modified to express aspectual information. Nonmanuals can also accompany these modifications. The nonmanual marking for the future Figure 6. The nonmanual marking for the past 3. Hoiting and Slobin express that puffed cheeks or pursed lips and blowing of the air occur with the reduplication in order to express continuative in NGT.
Dikyuva analyzes three mouth gestures in TİD which convey aspectual information. The studies on TİD will be presented in detail in Section 3. Fischer and Gough describe the various functions of FINISH: as the main lexical verb, as a marker of a sequence of actions, and as a marker signaling subordination. When it is used as an auxiliary, it functions as a perfective marker without having a particular time reference.
This will be crucial in the discussion of a perfective marker in TİD. Additionally, he gives two different examples for the argumentation that preverbal FINISH expresses only existential perfect. However, 64b which is a confusing example because the author states 64b can occur in a context where “the speaker has just moved out of Hamburg in the morning” p. Actually, this context creates a bounded event and the event of living does not hold in the right boundary of the perfect cf.
Based on Iatridou et al. Contexts of universal perfect require imperfective verb forms, individual-level predicates, or adjectives to express an unbounded event.
Preverbal FINISH is incompatible with all these contexts, thus, he proposes that it has also perfective meaning in addition to perfect meaning. As for LIS, Zucchi et al. Due to this property, it is incompatible with the contexts in which the event is an open process. Additionally, FATTO occurs in contexts which express anteriority, as in sentence 66 , but except the ones expressing stativity and non- agentivity, as in sentence The explanation they offer for this incompatibility is that stative and non-agentive structures do not have an inherent culmination point.
To summarize, FATTO expresses two kinds of information: i temporal information expressing that the event has occurred before a reference point, and ii aspectual information entailing that the event has culminated. Even though they do not word it this way, this conclusion together with the findings described above points to existential perfect. To illustrate, it can express perfect of a result, existential perfect, or termination of events, as the sentences 68 to 71 demonstrate.
Additionally, the event denoted by the verb phrase must hold before a reference point. When all the functions are considered from a broader viewpoint, ALREADY seems to carry out various meanings which are the keystones for the perfect constructions.
For instance, Liu reports that CSL Shanghai has both manual and nonmanual signs to encode aspectual information. Another similar case is reported for LIM by Fan Fan points out that both the progressive and perfective markers can incorporate into the main verb. The perfective marker shows total incorporation. The progressive marker, on the other hand, is signed with the dominant hand while the lexical verb is signed with the non-dominant hand, as shown in the figure below.
The main verb is signed on the non-dominant hand while signing the progressive marker as you can see in the following picture taken from Fan , p. Figure 7. A peculiar property of some of these markers is their incompatibility with regular sentential negative markers. As for LIM, Fan glosses the negative sign as FRUS frustrative aspect in the sentence 75 as he initially considers this marker as a distinct aspectual marker.
The explanation is that FRUS does not change the polarity of the preceding elements; instead, it entails the non-success or non- achievement of the preceding element.
However, while presenting the aspectual markers, he proposes that further research is needed to consider this marker as the negative counterpart of the perfective marker.
Although this case is not unique to sign languages, they propose that the motivation is not aspect but presupposition.
In other words, they claim that the sentences in 73 have a specific presupposition and the negative marker actually negates this presupposition.
This proposal will be discussed in detail in relation to the negative perfective markers in TİD in Section 6. In this section, I summarized various strategies to convey aspectual information across sign languages. These strategies contain changing the internal movement of the verb according to the aspectual notion which the verb conveys. Manual and nonmanual markers are also nother ways to express the temporal information of the event. In the light of these studies, the next section will specifically present the literature about tense and aspect studies in TİD.
She proposes that time information is given via time adverbials while completive meaning is given by modifying the movement of the base form of the verb, more specifically, by a single accentuated hand movement. He observes that repetitive head movement accompanying repetitive hand movement expresses future while single head nod expresses past. Present is expressed by the non-existence of head nod, but the existence of repetitive hand movement. Zeshan points out that in order to convey aspectual information, TİD also has manual aspectual markers , which is one of the research questions in this thesis.
Dikyuva analyzes three mouth gestures ‘bn’, ‘lele’, and ‘ee’ which carry different kinds of aspectual information as you can see in Figure 9. He analyzes ‘ee’ as an inceptive marker and ‘lele’ as a continuative marker. Thereby, the sign which Zeshan presented signals a change in the discourse, which is expected to be followed by the introduction of a new topic. The authors have distinct grounds for their reasonings and conclusions. Dikyuva arrived at the conclusion by mainly focusing on the compatibility of ‘bn’ with different situation-aspectual categories; activity, accomplishment, and state verbs He observes that ‘bn’ is compatible with verbs from the some situation aspect categories, and that it does not behave uniformly with all the verbs in a single category.
He derives the conclusion based on the observation that the verbs compatible with ‘bn’ have a clear beginning and end. Nonmanual aspectual markers in Dikyuva These results inevitably raise the following questions: Does the marker ‘bn’ solely have these meanings or do the structures in which it occurs yield these meanings?
If the second case holds, then the nonmanual marker ‘bn’ creates a morphologically complex morpheme which can occur in the contexts that provide the targetted semantic environments for past, perfect or perfective. In short, the question is whether it is the grammaticalized form ‘bn’ or the context, which derives the 15 Dikyuva classifies the categories as action-verbs, process-verbs and state-verbs in his study. However, following Smith , I will refer to them using the more commonly used classification, namely as activities, accomplishments and states, respectively, in order to be consistent throughout the thesis.
This is one of the main research questions which this thesis aims to shed light on. This chapter has presented the studies on tense and aspect in sign language literature. The aim was to present how these notions are grammaticalized in sign languages.
Bearing the findings in the literature and the differences among sign languages in mind, Chapter 5 will present the methodology in which datasets and consultant profiles will be provided. However, before focusing on the findings of my study, I will describe the methodology in the next chapter.
It also provides the profile of the consultants who participated in the studies and shared their judgements with respect to the grammaticality of sentences. Finally, it presents information about hardware and software used during data collection in the study.
The interpreter and the assistants are female, were aged between during the time of data collection, and living in Istanbul. All three of them actively are involved in the deaf community.
As for the consultants, eight are female, aged between 28 and 63, and four are male, aged between 24 and All of the consultants are active members of the deaf community and were living in Istanbul during the data collection. The parents of three of the native signers are also deaf. One of them has an elder deaf brother and a deaf sister. All 13 of them are fluent signers. All the tasks that elicited these data were conducted by the interpreter.
The second was scanning the data which were collected for various other research questions for perfective markers. The last group is grammaticality judgement tasks whose aim was to identify some structures which were not observed in the naturalistic and semi-controlled data.
These picture strips were taken from Totem Field Stroyboards totemfieldstoryboards. A part from one of the picture strips “Chamellon Story” is provided in Figure Figure A part from the picture strip “Chameleon Story” Each consultant looked at each strip and described it to the interpreter who did not know the story and did not see the strip. This task was carried out by six consultants. Recordings are totally minute and the parts containing BİT were discussed with the interperters after I scanned through all of the recordings.
Most commonly observed manual aspectual sign is BİT ‘finish’ Zeshan, which ‘bn’ Dikyuva, accompanies in these tasks as illustrated in sentence This task was also carried out with each consultant separately.
T i ph n m m adobe presenter 9 free download. TIME AND ASPECT IN TURKISH SIGN LANGUAGE (TİD): MANUAL AND NONMANUAL REALIZATIONS OF ‘finish’
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Deepp pednetration lack pussiews fee thumbs Steeel paanther pussy sonng Filtjy gayy beares Straigtht ggay tube Nakeed pkay mdd vaa ddc Seexy tewens woth loots of freckles. One can make a main distinction above these classifications as states in Section 2. Smith presents the difference between states and events. She puts forward that events are discrete and bounded entities while states are cumulative and unbounded.
As discussed in the previous subsections, events can be intrinsically bounded like accomplishments and achievements or extrinsically bounded as seen in activities.
In contrast to events, states are cumulative and unbounded. Smith states that they have a uniform structure and all sentences with the imperfective viewpoint belong to the class of stative sentences. Additionally, another difference is the necessity of energia, that is, events always require an input of energy while states continue over an undifferentiated period unless something changes this situation.
This subsection has given the descriptions of lexical aspectual categories which the verbs or verb phrases denote, the discussions for these categories and the possible tests for them. The thesis assumes that there exists a five-way categorization among the events or situations, namely, states, activities, accomplishments, achievements and semelfactives.
Some of the tests and these categories will be referred to in order to understand the semantic features of the perfective signs in TİD. The following subsection will present a different categorization in aspect; namely, viewpoint aspect which focuses on how much the grammar presents the temporal structure of the events in the structure of a language. As the lens of a camera makes the objects as much visible as a photographer wants, a situation can be presented based on how much a speaker wants to convey its temporal information.
Aspectual viewpoints convey semantic information; on the other hand, pragmatic interpretation has an essential contribution to interpret them. As a consequence, at the pragmatic levels, semantic meaning interacts with contrastive value, context, and rhetorical emphasis. Smith defines openness as being able to see the internal structure of the event.
She links it with imperfectivity. Being closed informationally means that the events are presented with both endpoints and complete. This corresponds to perfectivity. She highlights that the distinction between open and closed is due to the conceptual and narrative time rather than real time. For instance, “Mary was walking to school” is an informationally open sentence because the addressee does not know whether the event has reached its endpoint.
The speaker can continue the sentence in either way. She can say “She arrived five minutes before the exam” and conveys that the event is completed. In addition, she can continue as “She got a call and turned back the house” and conveys that the event is terminated.
However, the cancellation of the occurred event is not possible as seen in This discussion with different viewpoint aspects can be analyzed in detail, however I will not go further for time and space constraints.
Meanings which aspectual viewpoints convey are expressed by linguistic forms and the meaning cannot be canceled. Smith points out the fact that aspectual viewpoints have consistent meanings for a language although languages differ in the organization of their viewpoint systems.
Aspectual viewpoints can be categorized as imperfective and perfective Comrie, while another categorization is three-way; imperfective, perfective, and neutral Smith, Briefly, perfective makes a situation visible in its entirety including the endpoints. In contrast, imperfective focuses on an interval that excludes endpoints. Neutral is between perfective and imperfective and includes the initial endpoint and, at least, one stage.
The following subsections describe these categories in more detail to identify the inflectional forms expressing these aspectual categories. Comrie defends the view that perfective involves the lack of explicit reference to the internal temporal information p. The definition that perfective focuses on a situation as a whole suggests that it is compatible with the situation types which have endpoints namely activities, accomplishments, semelfactives, and achievements.
The sentences in 33 have an example for each category which conveys completed events 33a,b and terminated events 33c,d. The meaning of completion or termination is derived via the interaction between perfective and the situation aspect. As seen in the following examples, perfective with atelic events expresses termination while perfective with telic events express completion. Can wrote a poem. Can arrived in Ankara. Can ran in the park. Can hiccupped. However, both scholars highlight the fact that languages show difference in the compatibility with statives.
Smith summarizes the different behavior of languages in three categories. The first type of language is the languages which have verbal aspectual inflection that expresses changes into and out of a state.
The second type is the languages which present open stative situations by perfective statives. The last one is the languages in which the perfective does not apply to statives.
The examples for these kinds are respectively French, English, and Russian. The examples for the first two languages are taken from Smith , p. For sentence 34 , the interpretation is closed and it contradicts when it occurs in open contexts as seen in 34b. On the other hand, sentence 35 has both closed and open interpretation and it can occur in both open and closed contexts as in 35a and 35b. Marie a vecu a Paris. She highlights that the meaning is expected to be consistent regardless of the contexts in which the meaning can vary.
The possible test for this can be putting sentences in the contexts which are not compatible with closed meanings as in the examples 36a and 36b. In both examples, the second sentences present the situations as an open process but they contradict the semantic information which is conveyed by the first sentences. Although languages apply various strategies in their grammar in order to convey a perfective event, the core meaning of perfective is presenting a situation or an event as a whole.
Perfective sentences are informationally closed and their entailments cannot be cancelled. Thus, possible tests to identify perfective aspect are compatibility with situation aspect and different contexts which have open or closed interpretations. Imperfective situations are open informationally. The same tests mentioned for perfective situations can be applied to imperfective situations such as testing with open contexts and conjunctions.
Although Comrie 10 subcategorizes imperfective in detail both Comrie and Smith mainly discuss what the difference is between imperfective and progressive. Both scholars point out the fact that progressive is mostly realized via linguistic forms in languages like -ing in English or – I yor in Turkish and imperfective has a wider range than progressive in terms of compatibility with different situation aspect classes. Smith emphasizes that imperfective appears with all situation types while progressive does not appear with statives.
As seen in 10 He divides imperfective into habitual and continuous and then continuous into non-progressive and progressive. I do not go into detail for these categories in this thesis. La mer etait calme.
Stative The sea wasImpf. L’enfant pleurait. Activity The child was cryingImpf. Ils batissaient une cabine. Accomplishment They were buildingImpf. Although the first expectation from imperfective with statives is ungrammaticality based on the fact that statives do not have stages, imperfective presents the situations as open ones and having stages means to be dynamic, active and involve change, all of which are related to progressive.
This explains why progressive and statives are ungrammatical in the following example 38c. Knowing a language does not have the connotations of dynamism and change.
The experiencer of the sentence 38c cannot change or control her state of knowing language to non- knowing language. Ali was dancing. Activity b. Can was walking to the park. Accomplishment c.
Stative As for situation aspect, it is also unexpected for imperfective to appear with achievements and semelfactives when we consider that they do not have stages and imperfective focuses on the internal stages of a situation.
However, imperfective and progressive occur with both situation aspects. Smith calls this marked imperfective viewpoints. This is because imperfective with achievement situations presents its preliminary stages. Compatibility with semelfactives cannot be due to the focus on the preliminary stages as they do not have these stages as discussed in section 2.
Sentence 40 has a semelfactive event with imperfective. Actually, the event in the sentence is the representation of more than one bouncing event, which Comrie calls as iterativity p. To sum up, imperfective with different situation aspects can yield different meanings like focusing on pre-stages or iterative events.
Languages also have various linguistic realizations and subcategorizations for which the reader may refer to Comrie for more details. However, the core meaning of imperfective is being open informationally. It can be tested within various contexts and the meaning conveyed with imperfective aspect cannot be cancelled as pointed for perfective aspect in the previous section.
These representations have different presuppositions, that is, aspectual notions can be related to only verbs, events, or entire propositions. This discussion results from either the interaction of viewpoint aspect with situation aspect and their different reflections on the morphology or syntax of the languages, or different sentences as seen in On the other hand, the verb has an internal argument with a universal quantifier in 42c.
It is modified with a time adverbial in 42d. John is eating. John is eating a sandwich. John is eating every sandwich. John is eating a sandwich in an hour. Comrie and Smith would analyze these sentences by attributing them different aspectual categories. To illustrate, 42a and 42c would be considered as atelic and having activity verbs while 42b and 42d would be considered as telic and accomplishment verbs.
However, this raises the question whether the lexicon has two distinct verbs eat with different features or it has only one eat and it changes through the interaction with its internal argument, its features, or time adverbials. On the other hand, some scholars Dowty, ; Higginbotham, ; Tenny, among others would suggest that eat is a consumption verb and denotes a change of state, thus, by nature it denotes a telic event containing a process.
Even though the internal argument is dropped in 42a , the meaning of the verb is not different from 42b when we consider that aspectual information is denoted by event. English does not make a morphological distinction to express the aspectual difference between 42b and 42c , however, I will show in section 5.
Tenny decomposes events and suggests that events may have a complex structure and may be composed of a core or inner event and an outer event. Moreover, she argues that the quantification takes scope over only the outer event, not over the core event. If we return to the discussion on 42b and 42c , we will see in section 5. See Ramchand and Travis for a detailed discussion of the structure of inner aspect.
Another crucial point which is widely accepted in the literature is that change of state verbs include a core event that denotes a final state and the internal argument becomes that state.
Incremental theme verbs, creation verbs, verbs of motion to a goal and some achievement verbs are classified under the change of state verbs category. Tenny presents examples for these classifications as follows p. The regrouping of adverbs is given in The verb categories in 44 and 45 corresponds to her class of ‘verbs with core events and a measure or path’ and 46 have verbs with core events but no measure or path and the events without core evets Tenny, , p.
She proposes two different aspect projections and verb phrases under each projection. As seen in 48 , the upper AspP is called higher aspect h-AspP and she locates the outer aspect of the complex events and the verbs without core events in this projection.
The agent-oriented adverbs are also presented in this layer. On the other hand, the core events are located in the lower VP. She calls the lower AspP middle aspect m-AspP and explains the difference between lower AspP and lower VP as the following: Middle aspect zone contains the elements which do not look into the core event but modify the time span the event occupies.
She argues that resutitive again belongs to this zone since it takes scope over the core event but not the agentive causing the event represented by the higher event. The classification in Section 2. In contrast, the theory in this section has the assumption that the classification in 2. In Section 5. However, I will argue that Tenny’s approach which analyzes aspectual categories at the event level presents a more comprehensive analysis of the empirical data.
RT is set by the adverbials in the sentences as seen in the examples 49a , 49c and 49d. In contrast, the adverbials in 49c and 49d ; “by tomorrow” and “before leaving the city” set the right boundary of the time span and the left boundary is not known. The tense in these sentences puts the time span, not the event time in a place in the timeline. Iatridou et al. The present tense in this sentence determines the right boundary of the time span and states that the event handing in has occured somewhere before this reference point.
I have handed in the assignment. Mary will have handled the assignment by tomorrow. John had visited his family before leaving the city. The outcome is present perfect when UT and RT overlap.
When RT precedes UT, the tense is past perfect. On the other hand, it is future perfect when RT follows UT. However, different proposals have been made about what “perfect” actually is. Smith is among the scholars who view perfect as a construction.
She expresses that perfect constructions which have a certain temporal and aspectual meaning appear in many languages. She defines four meanings of perfect: a A perfect event precedes RT, b the construction has a resultant stative value, c the viewpoint aspect in perfect sentences is perfective and d a special property is ascribed to the subject. However, she still needs to explain how the languages which do not have perfect constructions convey the semantic meaning which is derived by the perfect constructions in other languages.
Likewise, Comrie provides an explanation similar to Smith’s explanation that perfect is also an aspect by discussing the meanings which perfect expresses. The present state can be also expressed by adjectives, stative verbs or past tense. The following sentences are examples of these types. Lastly, the recent past meaning in the sentence 53 is given by the adverb just. This question and the attempt to propose a unified theory for the perfect has a remarkable place in the literature because languages differ from each other with respect to the interaction of imperfective forms and meaning, different kinds of adverbials, or time references with the perfect.
The left boundary of the interval introduced by perfect is set by adverbials and its right boundary is set by tense. If the event denoted under the perfect occurs before RT which is set by tense or adverbials, this is Existential Perfect and the event is bounded; in other words, the viewpoint aspect of the event is perfective as seen in If the event occurs throughout a certain interval, this means that Event Time coincides with Reference Time and this is Universal Perfect as in The viewpoint aspect of the event is imperfective and it is unbounded.
In terms of this theory, sentences 50 , 51 , and 53 are argued to denote E xperiential Perfect while sentence 52 denotes U niversal Perfect if Zeynep still goes on shopping at the same place.
This parallelism seen between E-perfect and perfective, and U-perfect and imperfective raises the question whether the languages which strictly require perfective verb forms in perfect constructions like Greek entail only E-perfect.
Recall that the section 2. This shows that the event is unbounded and the unboundedness of the event cannot be cancelled. This discussion will have a crucial role in the discussion of the functions of the aspectual markers in TİD. This section summarized the different views and explanations for perfect.
They will be referred back in detail in the subsequent chapters to discuss the semantic properties of markers in TİD. The thesis will adopt the viewpoint considering perfect as a semantic notion because TİD does not have a marker dedicated to perfect.
This chapter will focus on how the semantic notions; tense and aspect discussed in the previous chapter are realized in the grammars of sign languages and present the studies on these topics. After various strategies in different sign languages are briefly presented, this chapter will focus on the studies on tense and aspect in TİD. As stated in the previous chapter, some languages express temporal information with time adverbials rather than with inflectional morphemes on the verb.
These languages are called “tenseless languages” which sign languages are also considered to belong to Binnick, On the other hand, aspectual information has been more often observed to be marked within the verbal domain via different strategies such as internal modification of the sign, manual aspectual morphemes, and nonmanual markers. The following subsections will summarize the various strategies which sign languages adopt to express time and aspectual information.
Rather, they are reported to convey time information via other strategies such as time adverbials, timelines and nonmanual markers. A sentence can be interpreted within a time-frame which is established in the previous sentence or somewhere in the discourse. The general strategies which sign languages adopt to give time information are time lines, time adverbials, lexical tense markers.
Even though sign languages are reported not to have tense inflection on the verb, a few studies claim that some sign languages LIS and BSL have tense inflection. This subsection will first summarize the studies in the literature and then briefly describe how time information is conveyed in TİD.
Pfau et al. In time lines, time is considered as a line and events are considered to lie on this line. Although Pfau et al. When the signer’s body is viewed as a reference point and coincides with the present, the space behind of his body represents referred as the past and the space at the front as the future. The handshapes of the time adverbs in TİD as seen in Figures 2 and 3 referring to past and future are usually the same while those of the past move backward and those of the future move forward.
Timelines are conceptual settings which are realized via time adverbials. That is, the timeline is manupilated to express the distance in time. To illustrate, if the time reference is near future, the time adverbial is signed near the body.
On the other hand, if the reference is distant future, it is signed away from the body. Yet, the future has not been experienced and a person cannot see what will happen, so the future events are conceptualized as lying behind the body. Both conceptualizations view timeline as running from the back of the signer to the front, but they differ in how the past and the future are placed on this line.
Sinte summarizes different time lines used across sign languages and offers six different types of time lines as seen in Figure 4 taken from Sinte It may be hard to find all these lines in a single sign language, yet a language can make use of some of them. Timelines found in different sign languages Briefly, Line 1 is the one previously described. Line 2 is used to sequence the events relative to a reference point.
Sinte explains Line 4 which is a blending of the three first lines as a mixed line. It is used to talk about the events in very near future. The last line, Line 6, is oriented from bottom to top in contrast to Line 5. The movement path of these signs are from the bottom to top. Lastly, Sinte explains, in addition to six timelines, that “Plan” is used for calendar units as a schedule of a week or a year.
Timelines are conceptually used in sign languages. How the notions of past and future are culturally perceived affects their places on the timeline. Another difference is how timeline is oriented in the signing space across sign languages. Languages may use more than one timeline or complex lines. Cabeza Pereiro and Fernandez Soneira report the observation that LSE makes a distinction between simple and relative tenses while using timelines. As mentioned before, every sentence in sign languages is not overtly inflected for tense; however, this information is given in the discourse via time adverbials.
Sapountzaki cites Grenoble that although Russian Sign Langague has three temporal markers for the past, present and future, they are not obligatory in every sentence. For Spanish Sign Language LSE , Cabeza Pereiro and Fernandez Soneira observe that time reference is set via time adverbials in the discourse and it is maintained until a new time adverbial is explicitly expressed.
According to Aarons, Kegl and Neidle time adverbials in ASL can appear clause initially, clause finally, or before the modal verb. The sentences in 57 depict the syntactic positions in which time adverbials can occur.
In terms of syntactic distribution, lexical tense markers have the same pattern with modal verbs and they, like modal verbs, occur to the left of sentential negation, in contrast with main verbs which occur to the right of the sentential negation. The sentence 58c has an ungrammatical structure as the time adverbial occurs to the left of the sentential negation while the structure is grammatical with the lexical tense marker FUTURE-TNS in 58b.
Aarons et al. For the first group, as we saw in the previous subsection, distant vs. So, the path length of a time adverb cannot be manipulated to express near future vs. For instance, Pfau et al.
Flexion at the wrist, elbow, or shoulder expresses either future tense or past tense without other change. Another strategy which can be considered as inflection on the verb is nonmanuals. This is discussed in detail in Section 5. Zucchi observes that in LIS shoulder position changes according to the tense while signing the verb.
As you can see in the examples in 61 , “shoulder back” occurs when the reference is the past and “shoulder forward” when the reference is the future. Neutral position refers to the present. Zucchi explains that time adverbials shift the speech time and LIS past and future tenses are absolute tenses cf.
Zucchi for a detailed explanation. In addition to adverbials, using a timeline is another strategy for expressing time. Most commonly observed timeline takes the signer’s body as a reference point for present, divides the line into two: usually the space in front of the signer represents the future and the space behind the signer represents the past.
Time spans are also expressed via timelines, which additionally creates various lines across sign languages. Lastly, nonmanual markers and different lexical items expressing different tenses are among the strategies that express temporal information.
Aspect is realized via internal modifications of the signs, nonmanuals, and manual aspectual markers Pfau et al.
These strategies can be observed for both situation and viewpoint aspect. The strategies which have been described and discussed in the literature will be summarized in this section. This change can be realized in two ways; one is by modifying the movement path of the sign while the other is by modifying the movement of the sign. Aspectual notions such as continuative, iterative, and habitual have been observed to be expressed with internal modification of the verb signs in many sign languages Pfau et al.
Building upon Klima and Bellugi , 15 different aspect types in ASL, Rathmann suggests that ASL has bound inflectional morphemes as continuative, iterative, habitual, and conative. All these types involve modifications on the movement path rather than on the movement itself. When the continuative morpheme12 is combined with a verb, the form expresses that an event occurs longer than usual and as uninterrupted.
As an example, when the verb RUN is combined with the continuative morpheme, the combination yields the meaning ‘to run for a long time’. The movement is generally realized as an arc movement. Sutton-Spence and Woll report that the verbs in BSL which do not have a path movement are marked by an extended hold to express continuative. This can be classified in the second category which is the modification of the movement. Scholars have two different views about the morphological nature of the modification.
This thesis does not go into the details of the morphological analysis of verbs with aspectual inflection and chooses to consider the internal modification as morphemes due to their consistent occurence and specific meaning. These kinds of marking are also called inflection in Rathmann’s study which focuses on lexical aspectual categories; achievements, accomplishments, and activities, and similar patterns there too were observed. An iterative event, unlike continuative, consists of sub-events which end and start sequentially.
For instance, the movement of the verb root GIVE is repeated between the same agreement loci when the verb is combined with the iterative morpheme by yielding the meaning ‘to give it again and again’.
Another realization can be that the verb GIVE agrees with different loci in the signing space rather than agreeing with the same locus, which yields distributive meaning. Distributive marking will be discussed again in describing aspectual marking in TİD in Chapter 4.
Both the habitual and the iterative are phonologically realized as reduplication although they differ in denoting an endpoint in their event structure. Posted by DennisPew on Jan 8th, Posted by DaltonDox on Jan 8th, Posted by DaltonDox on Jan 9th, Posted by DaltonDox on Jan 10th, Posted by DaltonDox on Jan 11th, Posted by DaltonDox on Jan 16th, Posted by DaltonDox on Jan 17th, Posted by DaltonDox on Jan 18th, Posted by DaltonDox on Jan 19th, Posted by DaltonDox on Jan 21st, Posted by Jameslobia on Jan 25th, Posted by Jameslobia on Jan 26th, At this dive site, you can see sharks in the deeper sections as well as plenty of turtles.
On the far north end of the dive site, you can find the Glenn Nusa wreck! Manta Point – This dive site at the southern end of Gili T is a fairly flat dive site with large patches of cabbage coral. This site is known for schools of fish and sharks in the deeper sections. If you are really fortunate you may even see mantas or devil rays migrating through!
Shallow Halik is a beautiful site with large coral bommies among white sand and schools of small fish. Deep Halik has large schools of red tooth triggerfish and striped snappers. This site is known to have fairly high current making it a fun place to have a drift dive. Image ranrambles Afternoon Dives Afternoon dives usually leave the shop at 2pm.
Marlin Hill – An underwater hill sometimes referred to as Turtle Heaven. In the deeper sections, there are beautiful fields of coral. This is a favourite among divers, as at the top of the hill you are almost guaranteed to see turtles resting! Air Wall – This dive site is located on the western side of Gili Air.
As the name implies, it is a large vertical wall, often covered with soft coral. This dive site is known to have high current, perfect for a drift dive. They both start around 18 meters and they are considered having the best coral in the area. Over here you can expect to see sharks, schools and fish and some turtles among large coral covered ridges. Mirkos – This dive site is located between Gili Meno and Air.
